Athenagoras’ Use and Modification of Romans 1:27

In Legatio 34.2, the apologist Athenagoras alludes to Romans 1:27 in his attack against the practice of sexual immorality amongst the Christians’ opponents. He notes their “business of harlotry” and “male prostitution”, and closely following Paul’s statement, says “Men work their terrible deeds with men” (ἄρσενεςἐνἄρσεσι τὰ δεινὰ κατεργαζόμενοι, Leg. 34.2). Soon after, Athenagoras points out that his opponents “attribute [these behaviours] to their own gods, boasting of them as noble deeds and worthy of the gods” (Leg. 34.2).

It seems that Athenagoras emphasises the link between the immorality of the gods and the Christians’ opponents by a change that he makes to Paul’s language in Rom. 1:27. Paul’s text reads: ἄρσενες ἐν ἄρσεσιν τὴν ἀσχημοσύνην κατεργαζόμενοι (“men working shameful deeds with men”). Of the patristic writers who quote this verse, only Athenagoras exchanges τὴν ἀσχημοσύνην (shameless deeds; Rom. 1:27) for τὰ δεινά (terrible deeds;[1]Leg. 34.2).[2]

The primary translation δεινός given by LSJ is “fearful, terrible,” and the lexicon notes that this meaning is predominant in Homer. Secondarily, the sense of “force or power … for good or ill” (LSJ, 329) was also used in reference to the gods in Homer.[3]Athenagoras uses δεινός in three other locations, all related to the Greek gods: 1) a quote from Orpheus, “Phanes brought forth yet another fearful (dεινήν) child” (Leg. 20.3); 2) a sarcastic comment about Ares as “the one mighty in battle” (ὁ δεινὸς ἐν πολέμοις, Leg. 21.3) whose “fair flesh [Diomedes] tore asunder” (Leg. 21.3; cf. Hom. Il.5.858); 3)a comment on morality and the gods, “if [those who oppose the Christians] are about to condemn promiscuous and licentious unions, then they ought to hate Zeus [on account of his incestuous relations with Hera and Core] … or Orpheus, the creator of these stories” (εἰδεινὸν τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἀδείας καὶ ἀδιαφόρως μίγνυσθαι κρίνειν ἔμελλον,ἢτὸνΔίαμεμισηκέναι…ἢτὸν τούτων ποιητὴν Ὀρφέα, Leg.32.1).

The third example given above appears at the beginning of Athenagoras’ refutation of the accusation of incestuous unions (Leg. 32.1). Athenagoras clearly wants to turn that accusation back against his opponents and their gods. At the end of the refutation (Leg. 34.3–4), the apologist modifies the Pauline reference to include τὰ δεινά to describe the immoral behaviour of the Christians’ opponents, before linking their behaviour with that of the gods. Athenagoras’ argument suggests that he is using tὰ δεινά in its stronger negative sense. The “terrible” nature of these deeds is emphasised further in the next section, in which “adulterers and pederasts” are likened to fish that “swallow up whoever comes their way, the stronger driving out the weaker” (Leg.34.3). The apologist argues that their behaviour is like cannibalism: “This is what it really means to feed on human flesh” (Leg.34.3). I would argue that Athenagoras inserts the Homeric terminology into the Pauline reference as a deliberate literary effort to highlight the connection between Greek immorality and Greek religion.

[1]“Frightful deeds” is Schoedel’s translation of τὰ δεινά; Pouderon – “des actes infâmes” (Supplique, 201).

[2]This statement is based on a TLG proximity search for the three terms ἄρσενες, ἄρσεσι, and κατεργαζόμενοι. The only texts in which these terms appear in close proximity are Christian texts related to Romans 1:27: e.g. Clem. Paed. 2.10.86; Origen Cont. Cels. 7.49; Eus. Prep. Ev. 6.6.37.  Of the thirty results of the search, only Athenagoras had τὰ δεινά in the place of τὴν ἀσχημοσύνην

[3]BrillGE has “dreadful, terrible … τὸ δεινόν: dreadful act” (460). There is a wider range of meaning, with less of a sense of “terror”: e.g. δεινὰ ποιεῖν, “make complaints” (Id 3.14; 5.41).

Praying for the King

In 1 Timothy 2, Paul gives the following instructions regarding prayer:

1First of all, then, I urge that supplications, prayers, intercessions, and thanksgivings be made for everyone, 2 for kings and all who are in high positions, so that we may lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and dignity.

Christians are urged to pray for everyone, that is, all the people in the society surrounding them, but particularly for those in positions of power and authority. In Paul’s day that ultimately meant the emperor, but more immediately his local representatives, client kings, etc. In Australia, we would think of our various levels of government, law enforcement, etc.

Paul states a clear purpose for this prayer (in the Greek, ἵνα;“so that”), which is that Christians can “lead a quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and dignity.” We are to pray for societal leaders so that they may lead in a such a way which affords Christians the context in which they can lead peaceable, godly and upright lives. It’s worth noting that Paul does not urge them to claim this peaceful context as some kind of right, but to pray that God might bring it about – elsewhere the New Testament urges Christians to godliness even in the context of unjust (and peace-less) persecution.

Three Christian apologists in the late second century—Justin Martyr, Athenagoras of Athens, and Theophilus of Antioch—referred to this Pauline instruction in their treatises addressed to Roman authorities. These Christian leaders wrote in times of significant persecution of the church, urging the authorities to intervene and give the Christians some reprieve. The references to 1 Timothy 2:1-2 are as follows:

“Whence to God alone we render worship, but in other things we gladly serve you, acknowledging you as kings and rulers of men, and praying that with your kingly power you be found to possess also sound judgment” (Justin Martyr, 1 Apology 17.3).

“Who ought more justly to receive what they request than men like ourselves, who pray for your reign that the succession to the kingdom may proceed from father to son, as is most just, and that your reign may grow and increase as all men become subject to you? 3. This is also to our advantage that we may lead a quiet and peaceable lifeand at the same time may willingly do all that is commanded” (Athenagoras, Legatio 37.2-3).

“Yet, concerning subjection to rulers and authorities, and prayer concerning them, the divine word commands us, so that we may lead a quiet and peacable life” (Theophilus, Ad Autolycum 3.14).

Two things can be observed about how these apologists apply these verses. Firstly prayer for kings is an acknowledgement of the authority that the kings hold and a declaration of obedience. Justin talks about “glad service”. Athenagoras notes that the Christians were praying for a smooth transition of imperial power from father (Marcus Aurelius) to son (Commodus), a transition that often was fraught with peril and could easily lead to turmoil in the empire. Theophilus expressly mentions “subjection” to rulers. It was important for the apologists to emphasise the Christians’ support of the emperor, since they were arguing for them to be seen as good citizens, but they were also following their understanding of scripture: in the same sections as the quotes above, Justin cites Jesus’ instructions to “give to Caesar what is Caesar’s,” and Theophilus cites Paul’s instructions regarding authorities in Romans 13.

Secondly, and more strikingly, in the context of the Roman Empire prayer for kings is a profound theological statement. In a religious landscape where those participating in the imperial cult may pray to the emperor, it significant to say that you will pray for the emperor. Justin makes this distinction most clearly in his statement: the Christians will “gladly serve” the emperor in many ways, prayer included, it is “to God alone we render worship”! In the eyes of the Christians, temporal authorities were worthy of honour, but only in their right place under the authority of the Living God. We can see this elsewhere in Athenagoras’ Legatio, where he says, “for as all things have been subjected to you, a father and a son, who have received your kingdom from above (‘for the king’s life is in God’s hand’, as the prophetic spirit says), so all things are subordinated to the one God and the Word that issues from him whom we consider his inseparable Son” (Leg. 18.2).

It is a striking balance to maintain. On the one hand, a godly citizenship with a firm and prayerful hope that our temporal authorities may work for a society in which Christians (and other faith communities too) may enjoy peace and freedom to live godly, peaceable lives. On the other, a firm resolve to honour God alone as God, and to not place our ultimate hope in earthly powers—we look to God, and the eternal hope we have in him, as our real security (Tit. 1:2; Ath. Leg 33.1; Justin 1 Apol. 17.4). Prayer to God, for our leaders, will help us to maintain such a balance.

Podcast: ResourcefulHDR

I was recently a guest on the ResourcefulHDR podcast, which is run by Sally Purcell from the HDR support and development unit at Macquarie Uni. Our conversation covered my pathway to the PhD, how I’ve tried to develop research community as an external student, the benefits of participating in conferences and pursuing research fellowship opportunities, the positives and challenges of balancing the PhD with family life, and what’s next.

You can listen here: ResourcefulHDR or find it on the usual podcast platforms.

If nothing else, the discussion has reminded me of all the people who have helped and are helping me along the way. Among others, I’m particularly grateful to my family, my church, the good people at Malyon Theological College, my postgrad lunch crew, my supervisors, and Macquarie Uni.

Paul’s Missionary Narratives: Luke’s narrative ordering in Iconium, Thessalonica, Beroea, and Athens

When reading Luke’s record of Paul’s missionary journey in Acts, it is possible to note the repetition in the reports of what happens in each city: 1) Paul arrives at a city; 2) he preaches the Christian message in the synagogue and often in public; 3) some people are converted; 4) there is some complication or conflict; and 5) Paul departs. These reports vary in length and detail,[1] but they essentially follow the same pattern. Here are some examples, with the 5 stages noted in brackets.

In Iconium:

1Now at Iconium (1) they entered together into the Jewish synagogue (2) and spoke in such a way that a great number of both Jews and Greeks believed (3). 2But the unbelieving Jews stirred up the Gentiles and poisoned their minds against the brothers (4). 3So they remained for a long time, speaking boldly for the Lord, who bore witness to the word of his grace, granting signs and wonders to be done by their hands. 4But the people of the city were divided; some sided with the Jews and some with the apostles. 5When an attempt was made by both Gentiles and Jews, with their rulers, to mistreat them and to stone them, 6they learned of it and fled to Lystra and Derbe (5), cities of Lycaonia, and to the surrounding country, 7and there they continued to preach the gospel. (Acts 14:1–7, ESV)

In Thessalonica:

1 Now when they had passed through Amphipolis and Apollonia, they came to Thessalonica,(1) where there was a synagogue of the Jews. 2And Paul went in, as was his custom, and on three Sabbath days he reasoned with them from the Scriptures (2), 3explaining and proving that it was necessary for the Christ to suffer and to rise from the dead, and saying, “This Jesus, whom I proclaim to you, is the Christ.” 4And some of them were persuaded and joined Paul and Silas, as did a great many of the devout Greeks and not a few of the leading women (3). 5But the Jews were jealous, and taking some wicked men of the rabble, they formed a mob, set the city in an uproar, and attacked the house of Jason, seeking to bring them out to the crowd (4). 6And when they could not find them, they dragged Jason and some of the brothers before the city authorities, shouting, “These men who have turned the world upside down have come here also, 7and Jason has received them, and they are all acting against the decrees of Caesar, saying that there is another king, Jesus.” 8And the people and the city authorities were disturbed when they heard these things. 9And when they had taken money as security from Jason and the rest, they let them go. 10The brothers immediately sent Paul and Silas away (5) by night to Berea, and when they arrived they went into the Jewish synagogue. (Acts 17:1–10 ESV)

And in Beroea:

 10The brothers immediately sent Paul and Silas away by night to Berea (1), and when they arrived they went into the Jewish synagogue (2).11Now these Jews were more noble than those in Thessalonica; they received the word with all eagerness, examining the Scriptures daily to see if these things were so. 12Many of them therefore believed, with not a few Greek women of high standing as well as men (3).13But when the Jews from Thessalonica learned that the word of God was proclaimed by Paul at Berea also, they came there too, agitating and stirring up the crowds (4). 14Then the brothers immediately sent Paul off on his way to the sea (5), but Silas and Timothy remained there. (Acts 17:10–14, ESV)

In Athens, however, the narrative is out of order. The report of conversions (3; 17:34) does not occur immediately after the report of Paul’s arrival (1; 17:16) and evangelistic activity in the synagogue and agora (2; 17:17). Paul’s conflict in Athens, his being taken off to the Areopagus (4; 17:18-32), is recorded before the conversions are reported. William Ramsay, in his classic text Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, notes this and draws the implication that Paul’s results in city were meagre. He says, “There is one marked difference between this passage and the corresponding descriptions at Beroea and Thessalonica. In those cases great results were attained; but in Athens no converts are mentioned at this stage, either in the synagogue or in the agora.”[2] He attributes this to the short amount of time that Paul spent in the city.

The problem with Ramsay’s argument is that he does not sufficiently acknowledge the conversions Luke records later in 17:34: “But some men joined him and believed, among whom also were Dionysius the Areopagite and a woman named Damaris and others with them.”[3] While this group seems to be small, especially when compared to the results of Paul’s mission in other cities, it is at least big enough to form a house church, and it is noteworthy for the status of its members, particularly Dionysius the Areopagite who was a member of the leading council of the city. Furthermore, since this record of converts comes after “Paul went out from [the Areopagus Council’s] midst,” it should probably be understood as relating to all of Paul’s ministry in the city, inclusive of his efforts in the synagogue, agora, and Areopagus.[4]

I would suggest, then, that the issue at hand with the deviation of narrative structure in the Athens account is not related to the results of Paul’s mission, but rather Luke’s interest in narrating the conflict over the results. In Iconium, Thessalonica, and Beroea, the conflict arises when Paul’s results raise the jealousy of the Jews, so it makes sense to note those results before the conflict. In Athens, where the conflict arises on the basis that Paul was introducing a new religion to the city, something that the Athenians were diligent to police,[5] the record of results can be shifted to the end of the narrative where it operates as a summary or denouement. The shifting position of the report of conversions is suited to the contexts and emphases of each narrative.

In light of this, it would seem that the numbered narrative order provided in the first paragraph needs to be reworked. Luke narrates Paul’s arrival (1), activity (2), conflict (3), and departure (4), with the record of results floating in the narrative dependent on whether it relates to the conflict or is better used as a conclusion of the events.[6]

 

[1]Sometimes with longer recorded sermons, such as at Pisidian Antioch (Acts 13) and Athens (Acts 17); more detail regarding context or results, such as at Athens, Corinth (Acts 18) and Ephesus (Acts 19); even with cycles of conflict, such as in Corinth, where Paul is rejected by the synagogue before the mention of converts (Acts 18:5-8) and then later faces a “united attack” from the Jews (18:12).

[2]William M. Ramsay, St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen(London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1902), 239.

[3]Ramsay only mentions Damaris, and describes the result of Paul’s efforts as “little more than naught.” St. Paul the Traveller, 252.

[4]Eckhard J. Schnabel, Acts(Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 2012), 743.

[5]Bruce W. Winter, “On Introducing Gods to Athens: An Alternative Reading of Acts 17:18-20,” Tyndale Bulletin47, no. 1 (1996).

[6]Another brief test-case of this renewed structure: In Acts 18:4-8, in Corinth (1), Paul reasoned in the synagogue (2), was rejected by the synagogue (ie. conflict, 3), and so moved on to the house of Titius Justus. After this, the first converts are recorded, including Crispus, “the ruler of the synagogue”, who is most likely to have been a convert from Paul’s synagogue ministry.

Biblical Scholarship

Over at the Logos Academic Blog (theLAB), there is an ongoing series titled “What Makes a Good Biblical Scholar?” In this series, biblical scholars at all different career stages have offered (usually) brief answers to the question. It’s a helpful and thought-provoking, and occasionally conflict-producing, source of insight into the many facets of biblical scholarship.

In the spirit of that series, I thought I might use this post (and its future updates) as a repository of insights (those of others and my own) into what good biblical (and particularly New Testament) scholarship is.

 

To begin, here’s a quote from Eckhard Schnabel on his approach to New Testament scholarship:

It continues to be the norm, or at least the aspiration, of most European New Testament scholars to engage in research and writing across all the major areas of New Testament research, from Jesus to Paul and to the early church, utilizing philological and historical methods and newer approaches to literary texts to elucidate the world of the earliest Christians and the meaning of their texts in context, while also focusing their questions and the synthesis of the results of their research on the theological concerns and implications of the life and teaching of Jesus, Paul, and the early church.[1]

Though there is a lot of value in devoting one’s scholarship to being a “Pauline” scholar, or a “Johannine” scholar, I appreciate the deliberately synthetic approach that Schnabel describes. Engaging in scholarship across the spectrum of NT and EC disciplines gives the opportunity to see the unity and diversity of the early Church, and should (hopefully) lead to a more balanced outworking of the “implications of the life and teaching of Jesus, Paul, and the early church.”

One other thought is that if individual scholars pursued a more “specialised” track in their own career, this raises the need for proactive inter-disciplinary work between specialisations in order to foster the broader balance that Schnabel proposes.

 

I think Matthew 18:1-6 is relevant to the question of what posture one should take in biblical scholarship:

[1] At that time the disciples came to Jesus, saying, “Who is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven?” [2] And calling to him a child, he put him in the midst of them [3] and said, “Truly, I say to you, unless you turn and become like children, you will never enter the kingdom of heaven. [4] Whoever humbles himself like this child is the greatest in the kingdom of heaven.

[5] “Whoever receives one such child in my name receives me, [6] but whoever causes one of these little ones who believe in me to sin, it would be better for him to have a great millstone fastened around his neck and to be drowned in the depth of the sea. (ESV)

The first four verses warn against arrogance and pride. It has been my experience that increasing biblical knowledge, through formal theological education and doctoral studies, has not automatically led to an increase in my personal humility. Rather, I often find myself too arrogant. When I share any of my work/study/knowledge with people, it can be for self-aggrandisement, rather than any concern for the other person’s benefit. “Knowledge puffs up” (1 Cor. 8:1). A pointed warning is found, then, in verses 1-4. The greatest in the kingdom is not the one who has the greatest knowledge, but the one who “humbles himself like this child” (v.4). This of course is not a call to anti-intellectualism, but a call to anti-arrogance. May my studies not be an opportunity for arrogance, but for humble service.

Verses 5-6 offer a further dire warning: Whoever causes “one of these little ones” — one of these humble faithful ones — to sin is liable to a terrible judgement. It seems to me that the need for new, unique, or cutting edge research in biblical studies can lead some to treat the Bible in questionable ways. I have certainly read works of “biblical scholarship” that have seemed intent on dismantling the scriptures, rather than “rightly handling the word of truth” (2 Tim. 2:15). Biblical scholars need to consider the pastoral implications of their work. This is not to say that hard decisions that go against established traditions shouldn’t be made. Golden calves need to be cut down. But innovation for innovation’s sake may amount to an unhealthy exercise in causing little ones to sin.

 

[1]Eckhard J. Schnabel, Jesus, Paul, and the Early Church: Missionary Realities in Historical Contexts (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2018), vii.

 

A Feeble and Stupid Message

At my church we are currently three weeks into a sermon series in 1 Corinthians. Over the last couple of Sundays we have covered Paul’s discussion of the weakness and foolishness of the gospel of Jesus Christ in the eyes of the Greeks, who search for wisdom, and Jews, who demand signs (1 Cor. 1:22). Paul did not try to meet the standards of performance that were expected of the orators of his day, but resolved to proclaim only Christ, and him crucified, because in this “foolish” message, the power of God would work for salvation (1 Cor. 2:1-2).

This summary of Paul’s approach, from C.K. Barrett’s commentary on 1 Corinthians, is a good reminder for Christian preachers today. He highlights how Paul did not try to live up to the culture’s expectations, but focused on preaching that which only the Christian faith has to offer:

Paul must have known that he could not surpass or even equal the Greek world in its own kind of eloquence and wisdom, and like wise Christian preachers in every age he focused his attention upon the one theme the world did not share with him. Of all the epistles, those to the Corinthians are most full of Christian paradox—of strength that is made perfect in weakness, of poor men who make many rich, of married men who are as if they had no wives, of those who have nothing but possess all things, who are the scum of the earth but lead it to salvation, who die and yet live; and the heart of the paradox is the preaching of the feeble and stupid message of the crucified Christ, which nevertheless proves to have a power and a wisdom no human eloquence possesses, since it is the power and wisdom of God himself.[1]

[1]C.K. Barrett, A Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians(London: Adam & Charles Black, 1971), 64.

A Sojourn at Tyndale House

I was fortunate enough to spend most of January at Tyndale House in Cambridge, enjoying some focused time to continue my PhD research into Christianity in Athens in the first and second centuries CE.[1]In their own words, “Tyndale House is Cambridge-based research institute housing one of the world’s most advanced libraries for biblical scholarship.”[2]Their goal is to conduct rigorous, world-class research into the languages, history and cultural context of the Bible, to advance Christian scholarship on the Bible and to help develop biblical literacy in the global church. I really appreciated the dual focus at Tyndale House: a concern for excellent scholarship, and a concern for that scholarship to benefit the church.

 

The back of Tyndale House
My desk.

During my time there, I was able to rub shoulders with the researchers working on Tyndale House projects (such that the OT Onomastics Project or the Tyndale House Greek New Testament), other postgraduate research students, and researchers and academics further along in their careers who were at Tyndale for sabbaticals and writing projects. It was a global community, with representatives from the UK, USA, Australia, Korea, Ethiopia, Hungary, Russia, Netherlands, Switzerland, and Austria. I really appreciated the warmth of the community, the interest that everyone took in one another’s research, and the opportunity to face some challenging questions about my research.

Cambridge itself is a beautiful town. I enjoyed the architecture which has a slightly longer history than Brisbane, and the Cambridge winter was pretty pleasant! Visiting scholars at Tyndale House also have the opportunity to access the Cambridge University Library, which is just massive, and where I found a bunch of things that I hadn’t even known that I needed, but will be crucial in my research.

 

Kings College, Cambridge
Cambridge University Library

I am deeply appreciative for my time at Tyndale House. I had the opportunity to meet some wonderful people, access excellent resources, and join in a research community that is vibrant, rigorous and passionate about Jesus and the mission of his Church. I would encourage people engaged in Biblical scholarship to take the opportunity (if they can) to go to Tyndale and connect with the work they are doing and continue the development of a global network of Christian scholars.

I would also encourage you to support the work of Tyndale House, which you can do here. They are funded almost entirely by private donations!

And, finally, I would encourage you to access the resources that they have available on their website, including their new magazine “ink” which includes a variety of articles aimed to help Christians understand and engage with the Bible better. You can read it here.

 

 

[1]My trip was made possible through the Macquarie/Tyndale Scholarship which I was awarded by Macquarie University and The Society for the Study of Early Christianity (SSEC); not to mention the generous sacrifice and stellar effort made by my wife, Erin, who held the fort and wrangled our four rambunctious kids for the month.

[2]https://academic.tyndalehouse.com/about

Paul and Pastoral Ministry (Pt. 3)

This is the final post of a three part series discussing what Paul’s letters, excluding the Pastoral Epistles (1 & 2 Timothy and Titus), tell us about the role of the pastor. In Part 1, I looked at the instructions Paul gave to the churches in Ephesians 4, Galatians 3, and 1 Thessalonians 5. In Part 2, I considered Paul’s pastoral example in 1 Cor. 3; 1 Thess. 2; and 2 Corinthians. This third post discusses the way that Paul’s eschatological framework shaped his understanding of the pastoral task, and offers some concluding remarks on the series.

 

Paul’s Pastoral Eschatology

Michael Bird (2008, 24), states that “it is vital to understand Paul’s pastoral concern in the light of his eschatological framework.” James W. Thompson (2006, 22) agrees, suggesting that “[Paul] indicates that the success or failure of his work will be determined only at the end…The eschatological horizon is a central feature of Paul’s pastoral ambition.”

This can certainly be seen explicitly in Paul’s letters, in that he clearly expresses his expectation that he will be able to boast of his churches on the day when Christ returns (Phil. 4:1; 1 Thess. 2:19-20). Paul has a confidence that those in whom Christ has started a work will be brought to completion on the day of Christ’s return (Phil. 1:6), and yet there is a sense of fear that some of his work may prove to have been in vain (2 Cor. 11:3; 1 Thess. 3:5).

The Pauline epistles reveal Paul’s pastoral concern for his churches, his urgency to help them continue in the faith and persevere until the day when Christ returns. This is evident in the way that his letters move “from theological reflection to the challenge Paul gives his churches to live ‘worthily of the gospel’” (Thompson 2006, 23). Colossians 2-3 is an example of this: In chapter 2 Paul’s explains how the Colossians have “received Christ” (2:6), have been buried and raised with him (2:12) and are no longer under the law (2:14). Chapter 3 then applies these truths: Since they have been raised with Christ, they are to seek the things that are above and put to death the earthly things in them (3:1-5).

There is a sense that Paul’s pastoral ministry is a constant and persevering work of placing God’s word before his people in order to see it bear more and more fruit in their lives. His letters, as pastoral work from a distance, exhibit this constant teaching of the truth and applying it to the lives of the churches in order to be able to “present them mature in Christ” (Col. 1:28).

In considering the role of the pastor today, Paul’s ‘eschatologically pastoral letter writing’ shows the need for pastors to be deeply founded in the truth of the gospel and scripture, in order to be able to effectively teach the whole counsel of God’s word for the perfecting of the saints.

Conclusion

Paul’s undisputed epistles are rich source of information to help clarify the role of the pastor. Paul directly teaches on the issue, he often reveals his own pastoral method and the structure of his letters reveal a pastoral heart with eschatological vision.

Paul’s direct teaching on church leadership, found in Ephesians 4, Galatians 6 and 1 Thessalonians 5 reveal that the pastor is tasked with teaching and equipping the saints in order that the whole body may be built up. It is a role of authority and leadership, but it must always be tempered by the test of whether it is producing mature disciples who are serving Christ in the ministry he has given them.

By including descriptions of his own pastoral ministry, Paul shows that in the pastoral role the preaching and teaching of the Gospel word is crucial at the foundational level and also for ongoing maturity. The pastor is called to be a loving carer as well as an encourager who leads their congregations on towards maturity. And this ministry is not for the pastor to seek their own glory and advancement, but to be performed in such a way as to exalt Christ and reveal his glory and grace.

Considering the eschatological vision of Paul’s pastoral letter writing, it was shown that the pastor’s heart is to see people reach maturity in Christ and to fully live out the implications of the gospel in their lives. This requires the slow plod of faithful ministering of the Word, consistently unpacking how the Gospel impacts the lives of believers and how it should shape them as individuals and as a community.

These images of pastoral ministry found in Paul’s epistles speak vehemently against any models of pastoral ministry that seek to glorify the minister beyond their congregation, exist only for the wealth of the leadership, treat Jesus’ church as if it were a business and not his bride, or are satisfied with mere easy-believism rather than ongoing growth in discipleship.

 

 

List of References

Bird, Michael F. 2008. A Bird’s-Eye View of Paul: The man, his mission and his message. Nottingham: IVP.

Thompson, James W. 2006. Pastoral Ministry According to Paul. Grand Rapids: Baker Academic.

Reading Acts

I’m currently reading Reading Acts by Joshua Jipp. I’m only a couple of chapters in, and so can’t comment too much, but it is already a very accessible and helpful introduction to key themes and motifs in The Acts of the Apostles. Jipp focuses on reading Acts as narrative, and how such an approach helps the reader to engage with key aspects of the text. I’d recommend it for anyone interested in engaging with Acts a little more deeply.

Table of contents: